In order to achieve the supremacy of Islam in our country, just as it is necessary to reorient research and education and restructure the undertaking of da’wah1, it is equally important to rethink on fresh lines the strategy of a political struggle .

The reason for this is that all parties which have been instituted to achieve the supremacy of Islam in Pakistan have certain innate flaws and shortcomings in them: These parties are actually religious schools of thought which have been organized for political activity. Their members are, naturally, confined to those who are the followers of a particular school of thought. Hence, instead of providing a broad-based platform to all elements who intend to strive on the basis of the Qur’ān and Sunnah alone for an Islamic order in this country, the only service they perform is to strengthen the menace of religious sectarianism. Also, with due respect to their leaders, political vision and acumen is one thing and scholarship and research another. It is all important for a person to realize his true field towards which his aptitude has led him. People who are basically scholars should stay scholars and restrict themselves to what they have specialized in. Learning and scholarship are full-time undertakings and must not suffer at the expense of activities which have totally different requirements and a new set of parameters.

Furthermore, among them, there are some other `revolutionary' parties as well which insist that even after the creation of Pakistan as an Islamic Republic, a Muslim will die the death of jaahiliyyah2 , if without any excuse he is not a member of any such party or otherwise, does not form his own party. They further assert that for such a party, the Prophet's Sunnah is that its leader will assume the title of Ameer and his followers would be required to pledge a covenant of Sam`u Taa`at3. It is clear that this point of view is in obvious contradiction with the Qur’ān and Sunnah and amounts to a revolt against the state affairs of Pakistan. Hence, such parties have not even the right to exist in this country.

Therefore, it is extremely important to reshape and rethink the strategy of the political struggle necessary to achieve the supremacy of Islam in our country. In this situation, if some committed and dedicated people take up this task, then, in our opinion, their strategy should be based on the following five guiding principles:

(1) Those who spearhead and lead this endeavour should though be distinguished in religious education and be devout followers of Islam but should not basically be scholars and academicians; they should basically be political leaders and statesmen.

(2) The system of the party they form should be based on the Qur’ānic directive of amruhum shuraa bainahum4 and in all differences of opinion, the opinion of the majority should be accepted.

(3) The party should be founded on a manifesto in which the changes which it intends to bring about on the basis of Islam in the political, economic, social, educational and penal spheres of the country should be explicitly stated.

(4) It should be accepted that until the majority of the country's citizens back and support the party's programme, it shall confine all its activities to mere propagation and dissemination of its call and message.

(5) It should be wholeheartedly acknowledged in this venture that an Islamic revolution shall only come about because of special help from the Almighty and not because of a human plan or scheme; hence, all efforts in this regard should be directed at the fact that all the party members must prove themselves worthy of this help as regards their morality and righteousness, character and stature, competence and ability.

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1. The obligation of inzaar and Islamic propagation.
2. The condition of the Arabs before the advent of Islam.
3. To listen and to obey.
4. ‘Their affairs of state are run by their mutual consultation’. (42:38).