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In 1857, Indian soldiers – predominately Muslim – mutinied
against the British over having to use cartridges greased with pig fat. After
their complaints were repeatedly ignored, 150,000 soldiers revolted across
India. Only a year of massacres allowed the British to regain control. Though
not perfectly congruent, the 1857 “Sepoy Mutiny” is instructive for
understanding the latest episode surrounding the publication of Muhammad’s
cartoons in Europe. As in 1857, Europe has failed to comprehend the rage
accompanying cartoons they considered trivial. European newspapers treated the
Indian soldier’s anger with the same disdain and dismissal with which they now
approach the Muslim world, demonstrating behavior more suited to colonial rule
than to a global village. In addition, actions seldom take place in historical
vacuums. As Richard Wright notes in Native Son, violence occurs due to “emotions
conditioned” on many indignities.
Europe’s immediate reaction was to “shift the blame.”
Instead of empathy for Muslim outrage over insulting and provoking cartoons,
Europeans complained that they were being victimized. Within days, others rushed
to Denmark’s side claiming the superiority of their values and, in the process,
dehumanizing those who protested as “irrational” and “uncivilized” actors.
Muslims marveled at how Europeans and Americans had the audacity to claim the
moral high ground despite 200 years of colonialism and the current horrors of
Guantanemo Bay and Abu Gharaib. The alacrity with which the West abandoned its
much-vaunted ideals of liberalism and multiculturalism showed how comfortable
the old values of colonial hegemony and racism when repackaged as “defending
freedom”. Subsequent revelations that the Danish paper had exercised
self-censorship with other groups but not with Muslims further stoked these
fires.
Not just blame-shifting but fear-mongering dominates this
discourse. Random fatwas from unknown and insignificant religious scholars in
the Muslim world are touted as top stories to scare us. As Americans,
fear-mongering is a familiar part of our history, perpetuated through images of
violent black masses on the verge of overrunning white society. These irrational
fears now permeate the pages of European newspapers which lament over their
cities filling up with migrants from Muslim lands they once exploited. Sadly,
Europeans still do not accept that their former subjects are now their
neighbors.
In fact, the West has gone so far as to assume the role of
master, instructing its former subjects on the “appropriate” way to respond,
even suggesting other cartoons more deserving of protest. This response is
similar to a white person labeling the riots in Watts as illegitimate while
ignoring the racial wounds that ignited them. Instead of focusing on the injury
caused, we Westerners have turned our attention to waxing poetic on
“non-violence” even as our troops occupy Iraq. Although the Islamic ideal
prohibits random violence, context helps explain why real people respond in
violent ways. As Frantz Fanon explains: “violence is a cleansing force. It frees
the native from his inferiority complex and from his despair and inaction; it
makes him fearless and restores his self-respect.”
Our intellectual traditions and institutions pride
themselves on studying context; the U.S. Supreme Court itself, in Virginia v.
Black, encouraged judges to examine “circumstances and historical content of
symbols.” Our jurisprudence on hate speech indicates how American society is
working to shed a racist past and construct a multi-cultural present. Few can
argue that we are better for it. Yet, attempts to understand the Muslim context
have been glaringly absent from analysis of this issue. Yes, there has been
political manipulation by governments and some clerics, but the real question
is: what is the context in which people are being manipulated?
In fact, the most imminent dangers to global harmony arise
not just from the violence we see on the Muslim street but from the assumed
moral superiority of the West that makes us blind to the perspective of other
peoples. This is particularly true in the realm of the religiously sacred which
is far more central to the identity of Muslims than we realize. Add to this, the
oppressive socio-economic and political conditions they are subjected to and it
is hardly surprising that Muslims feel a growing need to “save” the final refuge
of their dignity and pride: their faith.
Europe also has to wake up to the fact that their Muslim
minorities are an integral part of a much larger whole, bound together by shared
religious threads and a common history of actual and perceived injuries and
insults. In a rapidly globalizing world where information travels at the speed
of the internet, the impact of these shared threads and experiences will become
increasingly potent. Recognizing this reality is central to moving all of us
forward from confrontation to dialogue.
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