Publisher:
Oxford University Press, New Delhi
Year: 2001
Pages: 271
Price:
Rs.595
ISBN:
019565520-6
The Muslims of Bengal, including the present-day state of Bangladesh and the
Indian state of West Bengal, form the single largest Muslim ethnic group in
the world after the Arabs. This book, a collection of ten essays, seeks to
provide a broad overview of the Bengali Muslim identity. Although each of
the essays deals with a particular aspect of Islam in Bengal, they all seek
to grapple with what, for many Bengali Muslims, has seemed an almost
insoluble dilemma -- whether they are Bengalis first or Muslims, and how
their ethnic loyalties can be reconciled with the demands of a faith that
transcends national boundaries. Little is known about how the Bengal
countryside, particularly the eastern part of the province, located far from
the centers of Muslim political rule, emerged as the home to the largest
number of Muslims in the South Asian sub-continent. Richard Eaton, in his
brilliantly researched essay, explores the fascinating process of the
Islamization of the people of eastern Bengal, a process that he believes
began in the sixteenth century. He writes that conversion to Islam was
actually discouraged by the Mughal governors of the province, but, despite
this opposition, large masses of Bengalis turned Muslim. Relying on
hagiographies of local Sufi saints and Mughal land records, he argues that
the process of Islamization in Bengal must be seen as, above all, a result
of the agrarian policy of the Mughals. Mughal governors, eager to augment
their revenues from the land, provided rent-free land grants to both Hindus
as well as Muslims to cut down the dense forests in the eastern parts of the
province and bring them under settled cultivation. The Muslim pioneers in
this region employed local, largely aboriginal tribal people, as cultivators
on the new lands. After their deaths they began being revered as saints,
being attributed with supernatural powers. Gradually, these aboriginal
people were Islamized, a process that did not reject previously-held beliefs
directly, but accommodated Islamic elements within pre-existing cosmologies.
Hence, conversion to Islam in eastern Bengal, as indeed in many other parts
of India, took the form of an extended process of cultural change over
several generations, rather than a sudden and complete change in identity,
beliefs and allegiances. Because of the nature of the process of
Islamization in Bengal, the Bengali Muslims continue to share much in terms
of world-views, beliefs and practices with non-Muslim Bengalis, a phenomenon
which Ralph Nichols observes in his paper on Islam and Vaishnavism in rural
Bengal. While many ulema and Muslim reformers see this shared tradition as a
sign of incomplete conversion or as ‘unlawful innovation’ (bid‘at), Nichols
seems to suggest that it was actually through developing this shared
tradition that Islam was able to make headway in Bengal in the first
instance, successfully expressing itself in terms which the Bengali peasants
would find understandable. Peter Bertocci examines, in his contribution, the
way in which rural Bengali Muslims understand their faith in precisely these
local terms, drawing close parallels between institutions and identities
that both Bengali Muslims and Hindus construct their own social worlds.
The local Bengali expression of Islam (a term I deliberately use in place of
the more commonly used expression Bengali Islam) is not a static, unchanging
phenomenon, however. From the eighteen century onwards, reformers and
radicals have been active in Bengal, seeking to purge the Bengali form of
Islam of what are seen as ‘un-Islamic accretions’, seeking to bring it in
line with a sharī‘ah-centric scripturalist understanding of Islam. Muhammad
Shah’s paper looks at this process of reform in the context of the Khilāfat
movement in the early years of the twentieth century, arguing that one of
the principal aims of the Bengali activists in the movement to protect the
Ottoman Khilāfat was to reform the Bengali Muslim tradition, bringing it
closer to a sharī‘ah-centred understanding of Islam as defined by the
reformist ulema. Yet, the Khilāfatists were not alone in seeking to redefine
the ways in which the Bengali Muslims understood their faith at this time.
Sonia Amin, in her paper on Rokeya Sakhawat Hossein, the pioneer of Bengali
Muslim women’s education, and Shahadat Khan, in his article on the reformist
and anti-colonial activist Kazi Abdul Wadud, show how a different agenda for
the Bengali Muslims was also being articulated at this time, centred on
issues of modern education, women’s rights and inter-communal harmony.
Despite the efforts of reformists, whether ulema or modern, western-educated
Muslims, the Bengali Muslims have been unable, the book suggests, to
comfortably reconcile their twin identities: as Bengalis, on the one hand,
and as Muslims on the other. Joseph O’Connell discusses the ways in which
Bengali Muslim self-identity has undergone radical shifts in the course of
the previous century. Pitted against the Hindu ‘upper’ caste bhadralok,
Bengali Muslims enthusiastically supported the cause for the separate Muslim
state of Pakistan, stressing their religious identity over their ethnic
identity. Yet, not long after the creation of Pakistan, a strong movement
based on a sense of a separate Bengali identity, pitted against what was
seen as the oppressive West Pakistani ‘Other’, emerged, galvanizing itself
as a mass movement that ultimately succeeded in creating the basis of the
new state of Bangladesh. O’Connell contends that torn apart as the
Bangladeshis are between their Islamic and Bengali identities, a new
understanding of national identity must be articulated, one based on
humanism, not shunning religion altogether, but drawing inspiration from
humanist strands in the various different religions that are practiced in
the country. This calls for a redefinition of what it means to be a
Bangladeshi Muslim today, seeking to express Islam in a manner that takes
into account modern sensibilities on issues related to pluralism, democracy,
human rights, and the rights of women and religious minorities. This is a
point also made by Shelly Feldman in her paper on gender and Islam. The
process may not be smooth, however. As Enayatur Rahim shows in his
brilliantly argued piece on the Jamā‘at-i-Islāmī in Bangladesh, hostility to
ethnic aspirations and local identities, and an unwillingness to reflect and
redefine perspectives in the face of new situations on the part of
influential Islamist groups in the country do not help make matters simpler
for this task of developing new visions of religion. Overall, this book
excels as an overview of the social history of the Bengal Muslims. The scant
attention paid to the Muslims of West Bengal and the Bengali-speaking
Muslims of Assam and Tripura, and the silence on the Tablīghī Jamā‘at,
easily the single largest Islamic movement in Bangladesh and on the
contemporary Bengali ulama are, however, unfortunate. But, perhaps, that can
be left for another book.
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