I Introduction
Certain narratives
inform us that the sūrahs were arranged in different sequences in the masāhif of
‘Abdullāh ibn Mas‘ūd (rta) and Ubayy ibn Ka‘b (rta).
These arrangements have been reported primarily in two sources: al-Fihrist
of Ibn Nadīm (d. 380 AH) and al-Itqān
of al-Suyūtī (d. 911 AH). Whilst the former source contains two eye-witness
accounts of the masahif attributed to ‘Abdullāh ibn Mas‘ūd (rta) and Ubayy ibn
Ka‘b (rta) respectively, the latter source quotes another source (Ibn Ahshtah’s
Kitāb al-masāhif) which merely reports in two separate narratives the
arrangements of the masahif attributed to them.
In this article, an
analysis of these narratives will be conducted.
II. Scheme of the Masāhif of Ubayy (rta) and Ibn
Mas‘ūd (rta)
The following chart
gives us the details of the schemes of the masāhif of ‘Abdullāh ibn Mas‘ūd (rta)
and Ubayy ibn Ka‘b (rta). The numbers referring to sūrah
numbers found in the existing sequence shows how the two differed from one
another in this regard.
Ibn Mas‘ūd (rta)
(al-Itqān) |
Ibn Mas‘ūd (rta)
(al-Fihrist) |
Ubayy (rta)
(al-Itqān) |
Ubayy (rta)
(al-Fihrist) |
2
|
2 |
1 |
1 |
4 |
4 |
2 |
2 |
3 |
3 |
4 |
4 |
7 |
7 |
3 |
3 |
6 |
6 |
6 |
6 |
5 |
5 |
7 |
7 |
10 |
10. |
5 |
5 |
9 |
9 |
10 |
10
|
16 |
16 |
8 |
8 |
11 |
11 |
9 |
9 |
12 |
12 |
11 |
11 |
18 |
17 |
19 |
19 |
17 |
21 |
26 |
26 |
21 |
23 |
22 |
22 |
20 |
26 |
12 |
12 |
23 |
37 |
18 |
18 |
26 |
33 |
16 |
16 |
37 |
28 |
33 |
33 |
33 |
24 |
17 |
17 |
22 |
8 |
39 |
39 |
28 |
19 |
20 |
45
|
27 |
29 |
21 |
20 |
24 |
30 |
24 |
21 |
8 |
36 |
23 |
24 |
19 |
25 |
34 |
23 |
29 |
22 |
29 |
40 |
30 |
13 |
40 |
13 |
36 |
34 |
13 |
28 |
25 |
35 |
28 |
27
|
15 |
14 |
27 |
37 |
13 |
38 |
37 |
34 |
34 |
47 |
38 |
38 |
35 |
54 |
36 |
36 |
14 |
39 |
15 |
15 |
38 |
40 |
42 |
42 |
47 |
43 |
30 |
30 |
31 |
41 |
57 |
43 |
39 |
46 |
48 |
41 |
40 |
45 |
47 |
14 |
43 |
44 |
58 |
35 |
41 |
48 |
67 |
48 |
42 |
57 |
32 |
47 |
46 |
59 |
71 |
57 |
45 |
32 |
46 |
58 |
44 |
50 |
50 |
25 |
48 |
65 |
55 |
32 |
59 |
49 |
56 |
71 |
32 |
67 |
72 |
46 |
65 |
64 |
53 |
50 |
68 |
63 |
70 |
55 |
49 |
62 |
73 |
56 |
67 |
61 |
74 |
72 |
64 |
72 |
54 |
53 |
63 |
71 |
44 |
68 |
62 |
58 |
31 |
69 |
61 |
60 |
45 |
59 |
72 |
66 |
52 |
60 |
71 |
55 |
51 |
77 |
58 |
53 |
68 |
78 |
60 |
51 |
69 |
76 |
66 |
52 |
59 |
75 |
55 |
54 |
60 |
81 |
53 |
69 |
77 |
79 |
52 |
56 |
78 |
80 |
51 |
68 |
75 |
83 |
54 |
79 |
81 |
84 |
56 |
70 |
65 |
95 |
79 |
74 |
79 |
96 |
70 |
73 |
64 |
49 |
74 |
83 |
80 |
63 |
73 |
80 |
83 |
62 |
83 |
76 |
84 |
65 |
80 |
75 |
95 |
89 |
76 |
77 |
96 |
67 |
77 |
78 |
49 |
92 |
75 |
81 |
63 |
82 |
78 |
82 |
62 |
91 |
81 |
88 |
66 |
85 |
82 |
87 |
89 |
86 |
88 |
92 |
90 |
87 |
87 |
89 |
92 |
88 |
92 |
85 |
82 |
80 |
89 |
84 |
91 |
98 |
85 |
96 |
86 |
61 |
84 |
90 |
87 |
93 |
96 |
93 |
88 |
94 |
90 |
94 |
61 |
101 |
93 |
86 |
98 |
102 |
86 |
100 |
93 |
al-Khal‘ |
100 |
107 |
94 |
al-Jīd |
107 |
101 |
101 |
104 |
101 |
98 |
102 |
99 |
98 |
91 |
103 |
100 |
91 |
95 |
al-Khal‘ |
105 |
95 |
104 |
al-Hafd |
95 |
104 |
105 |
104 |
108 |
105 |
106 |
99 |
97 |
106 |
102 |
100 |
109 |
102 |
97 |
105 |
110 |
97 |
103 |
106 |
111 |
99 |
110 |
107 |
106 |
103 |
108 |
108 |
112 |
110 |
109 |
97 |
113 |
108 |
111 |
109 |
114 |
109 |
112 |
110 |
|
111 |
|
111 |
|
112 |
|
112 |
|
94 |
|
113 |
|
|
|
114 |
|
|
|
|
|
III. Analysis of Ubayy’s
Mushaf
A. Analysis of the Matn
The following questions
arise on the matn of the narratives which report this arrangement:
i. It is strange that
none of Ubayy’s students have reported from him his differently arranged codex
having two additional sūrahs.
It is almost two centuries after him that we find al-Fadl ibn Shādhān (d. 260
AH) finding a mushaf attributed to him with such an arrangement. Similarly, it
is Ibn Ashtah (d. 360 AH)
in his Kitāb al-masāhif who records this arrangement on the authority of Abū
Ja‘far al-Kūfī (third century).
ii. A simple glance at the lists of al-Itqān and
al-Fihrist show that they do not correspond with one another. After the first
twenty entries, the lists do not tally with one another. Which of them should
one believe?
iii. How can one conclude that this arrangement
of the sūrahs was the final one written by Ubayy (rta)? If at all it has any
basis, it could merely be a list written before the al-ardah al-akhīrah (the
final review).
iv. As indicated earlier, in the arrangement
given by Ibn Nadīm, Sūrahs Tīn and ‘Abas are repeated twice.
v. In al-Fihrist it is written at the end of the
list that the total number of sūrahs is 116. Counting shows that there are
actually only 104 indicating the defective nature of the list.
vi. According to both
al-Fihrist and al-Itqān, two extra sūrahs were present in the mushaf of Ubayy (rta):
Sūrah Khal‘ and Sūrah Hafd.
Following are the
primary points of criticism raised by al-Bāqilānī
on the presence of Sūrahs Khal‘ and Hafd in Ubayy’s mushaf:
i. Had these sūrahs been
part of the Qur’ān, they would have been regarded so by the Prophet (sws) and
would have been transmitted the way the Qur’ān is.
ii. There is no
narrative which says that Ubayy (rta) regarded these sūrahs to be part of the
Qur’ān. All we have are reports which say that they were written in his mushaf.
This of course is not a certain proof of them being part of his Qur’ān.
iii. If Ubayy’s mushaf
had these sūrahs, it was but natural for ‘Uthmān (rta) to have gotten hold of it
as soon as possible and have it destroyed because it was against his mushaf. He
would have been more desperate to acquire it than the rest of the masāhif. There
is also a narrative
from Muhammad and Tufayl, the two sons of Ubayy (rta), who were asked about the
mushaf of their father. They replied that it had been confiscated by ‘Uthmān (rta).
Now if this narrative is true, then how come people say that they saw it and
that it was the mushaf of Anas ibn Mālik (rta) that contained the du‘ā of qunūt.
iv. It is not merely
enough for a book to be attributed to a person unless this attribution is based
on reports that are widespread and extensive and this is not the case with
Ubayy’s copy of the Qur’ān.
v. Some Mu‘tazilites
have narrated from ‘Ubayd ibn ‘Umayr that he had seen a mushaf which belonged to
Anas ibn Mālik (rta) and which he had read out to Ubayy (rta) and that it
contained the du‘ā of qunūt. While negating this, al-Bāqilānī says that Abū al-Hasan
‘Alī ibn Ismā‘īl al-Ash‘arī is reported to have said that he had seen the mushaf
of Anas (rta) with one of his children and it was exactly the same as all the
rest.
Al-Bāqilānī goes on to
say that if it is to be in anyway considered that there were reasons for these
sūrahs to be present in the mushaf of Ubayy (rta), then it could be because of
many reasons. One of the reasons he cites is that Ubayy (rta) wrote the sūrahs
of qunūt while knowing that they were not part of the Qur’ān at the end of his
mushaf or somewhere in between – in between if the Qur’ān he had written was
incomplete and had not been arranged in the right sequence.
Schwally has commented
in some detail on the “Qur’ānicity” of these sūrahs. He dismisses the notion
that they were part of the Qur’ān on the basis of linguistic reasons. In the
following paragraphs, I will first present his critique and then later analyze
it.
While referring to the text of these sūrahs,
Schwally quotes their text on the authority of various sources. He points out
that they have been variously called as Sūrah Khal‘ and Sūrah Hafd, Sūrahs of
Qunūt, even Sūrah Qunūt, Du‘ā al-Qunūt, Du‘ā al-Fajr and al-Du‘ā. The last three
names showing that they are not sūrahs of the Qur’ān; they are only
supplications.
Regarding the texts of
the sūrahs, Schwally says that people who have quoted them are al-Suyūtī (d.
1510 AD), Tashkubrizādah (d. 1560 AD) and Birgili (d. 1562 AD).
The authorties quoted by al-Sūyūtī all belong to the first century.
The texts are:
Sūrah Khal‘
بسم الله الرحمان الرحيم
اللهم إنا نستعينك
ونستغفرك
ونثني عليك
ولا نكفرك
ونخلع ونترك من يفجرك
Sūrah Hafd
اللهم إياك نعبد ولك نصلي
ونسجد وإليك نسعى ونحفد نرجو رحمتك ونخشى عذابك
إن عذابك بالكفار
ملحق
Text given by
Tashkubrizādah
Sūrah Khal‘
بسم الله الرحمان الرحيم
اللهم إنا نستعينك ونستغفرك ونثني عليك ولا نكفرك ونخلع ونترك
من يفجرك
Sūrah Hafd
بسم الله الرحمان الرحيم
اللهم إياك نعبد ولك نصلي ونسجد وإليك نسعى ونحفد نرجو رحمتك
ونخشى عذابك إن عذابك بالكافرين ملحق
The first person to publish the texts of
these sūrahs in the West was Purgstall Hammer.
While criticizing the provenance of these
sūrahs, Schwally
basically raises linguistic issues and says that his critique differs from that
of the Muslim scholars, whose critique is that if these sūrahs are accepted then
the sanctity of the ‘Uthmānic text is put into jeopardy. His points of criticism
are:
i. There is only one other instance in the
Qur’ān where the word إستعان occurs with an object and
that is in Sūrah Fātihah.
ii. The verbأَثْنىَ has
not been used in the Qur’ān although words having similar meanings like
كَبَّرَ and سَبَّحَ and
حَمِدَ are used in the Qur’ān.
iii. The verb حَفَدَdoes
not occur in the Qur’ān as well.
iv. The verbسَعَى occurs
many times in the Qur’ān; however, it has never occurred with the words
إلَى اللهِ. The Qur’ānic expression
فَاسْعَوْا إلَى ذِكْرِ اللهِ (62: 9) cannot be quoted in its support.
v. The verbفَجَرَ is
used transitively here in the qunūt; however, it is used intransitively in the
Qur’ān (75:5 and 91:8).
vi. The verb خَلَعَ
occurs just once in the Qur’ān (20:12) being used in its literal sense in
contrast to its metaphorical sense in which it is used here.
vii. A suspect use is that of
نَكْفُرُكَ. The verb كَفَرَ
in the meaning of أَنْكَرَ (rejection) is only used in
the Qur’ān with the preposition ب appended to nouns of
a living being.
Schwally says that for these reasons it is
not possible to regard these sūrahs as part of the Qur’ān and it is even
difficult to regard them as supplications of the Prophet (sws). Perhaps they
were supplications that were generally used in the time of the Prophet (sws) and
some narratives
say that ‘Umar (rta) and Ubayy (rta) recited them in the qunūt prayers. A
narrative
says that these sūrahs were also found in the mushaf of Abū Mūsā al-‘Ash‘arī (rta)
and it is also known that Ibn ‘Abbās (rta) followed
the recital of Abū Mūsā (rta). It is further said
that ‘Alī (rta) transmitted these sūrahs to ‘Abdullāh ibn Zurayr al-Ghāfiqī.
Now as far as Schwally’s textual criticism on Sūrah Khal‘ and Sūrah
Hafd are concerned, the following questions arise on it:
i. If the word
إِسْتَعانَ is used in the Qur’ān with an object just once [in Sūrah
Fātihah], then this usage itself proves that in classical Arabic this verb takes
a direct object. Thus, for example, lexicons specify that it does take a direct
object.
The example of the verb taking an object
through a preposition is found in the Qur’ān itself:
قاَلَ مُوسَى لِقَوْمِهِ اسْتَعِيْنُوْا باللهَ وَاصْبِرُوا
(٧:١٢٨)
Here the word أللهَ
is the object of the verb اسْتَعِيْنُوْا; only
here the verb اسْتَعِيْنُوْا has used the preposition
ب with its object.
ii. The fact that words like
حَفَدَ andأثْنَى have never
been used in the Qur’ān is not a valid criticism. If a word can be classified as
belonging to classical Arabic, then just one instance of its use is enough to
regard it as the Qur’ān. It is common knowledge that both
حَفَدَ andأثْنَى are classical Arabic words.
If someone contends otherwise, the onus of proof rests on him.
iii. In the constructionإِلَيْكَ
نَسْعَى the governing noun (mudāf) is actually suppressed – a common
feature of Qur’ānic Arabic. The implied meaning is إِلَى
رَحْمَتِكَ نَسْعَى (towards your mercy do we run). As examples, of a
suppression of a governing noun when the governed noun is God, consider the
verses:
وَ جَاهِدُوا فِي اللهِ حَقَّ جِهَادِهِ (٢٢:
٧٨)
فَظَنُّوْا أَنَّهُمْ مَانِعَتُهُمْ حُصُوْنُهُم مِنَ اللهِ (٥٩:
٢)
The first is actually:
وَ جَاهِدُوا فِي دِيْنِ اللهِ حَقَّ جِهَادِهِ and the second is:
فَظَنُّوْا أَنَّهُمْ مَانِعَتُهُمْ حُصُوْنُهُم مِن بَأسِ
اللهِ, as specified by Abū Hayyān.
iv. As far as the use of the verbفَجَرَ
is concerned, in the Qur’ān also it is used transitively, the only thing
is that its object is suppressed. In the very first example cited by Schwally,
this is the case:
The verse reads:
بَلْ يُرِيْدُ الإنْسَانُ لِيَفْجُرَ أمَامَهُ (٧٥:
٥)
In the opinion of Islāhī,
the object of the verb is God and the meaning implied is:
بَلْ يُرِيْدُ الإنْسَانُ لِيَفْجُرَ اللهَ أمَامَهُ
In fact, man wants to show disobedience to
God before himself.
In the second example quoted by Schwally,
the word is used as a noun and not as a verb; hence the example itself is
erroneous. The verse reads:
فَأَلْهَمَهَا فُجُوْرَهَا وَ تقْوَاهَا (٩١:
٨)
v. The fact that the word
خَلَعَ has never been used in its metaphorical sense
in the Qur’ān is no critique. Its metaphorical use is quite common in classical
Arabic. Muhalhal ibn Rabī‘ah, a poet of the jāhiliyyah period says:
خلع
الملوك و سار تحت لوائه
شجر
العرى و عراعر الأقوام
(He disaffiliated himself from the kings and below his flag
gathered useful people like the tree of al-‘arā and chiefs of nations.)
At another place, he says:
ولست
بخالع درعي و سيفي
إلى
أن يخلع الليل النهار
(I am not going to take of my amour and my sword until the night
sheds the day.)
In the first couplet, the metaphorical use
is evident; while in the second one it is used in this sense in the second
hemistich.
vi. What Schwally has said about the word
نَكْفُرُكَ is correct. However, why should it be taken
to mean “rejection” here. The word also means “ingratitude” and its placement
adjacent to the word نَشْكُرُكَ (we are grateful to
You) suggests in some textual variants
of the qunūt that here it is used in this meaning.
All in all, none of the points raised by
Schwally seems to hold water.
Moreover, a look at the narratives which
mention the qunūt show that they are generally of two categories:
Firstly, narratives which mention that the
qunūt was read in the prayer by various Companions.
Secondly, narratives which mention that
the qunūt was found written in the masāhif (or reading) of some Companions.
As far as reading the qunūt as a
supplication in the prayer is concerned, it cannot be objected to and the
practice can still be found among Muslims and traced back to earlier times.
If the qunūt was also written in the
masāhif of some Companions (rta), then this does not necessarily mean that it
was written as part of the Qur’ān. As pointed out by al-Bāqilānī, it could be
written there merely for remembrance and it was known that it was not part of
the Qur’ān. Why it was written in the Qur’āns of some Companions (rta) can also
be gauged. It was frequently read by Muslims in the prayer. Thus for example,
al-Suyūtī writes: “Muhammad ibn Nāsr al-Marūzī records in his Kitāb al-Salāh
that Ubayy (rta) would read the qunūt in the prayer, then he mentioned the two
and that he would write them in his mushaf.”
B. Analysis of the Isnād
The isnād of narration of of the reports which record the mushaf of
Ubayy (rta) as per al-Fihrist and al-Itqān are as follows:
Isnād according to al-Fihrist
قال
الفضل بن شاذان أخبرنا الثقة من أصحابنا قال كان تأليف السور في قراءة أبي بن كعب
بالبصرة في قرية يقال لها قرية الأنصار على رأس فرسخين عند محمد بن عبد الملك
الأنصاري أخرج إلينا مصحفا وقال هو مصحف أبي رويناه عن آبائنا …
Al-Fadl ibn Shādhān said that one of his trustworthy associates
informed him that the scheme of arrangement of the sūrahs according to the
reading of Ubayy was found in the village of al-Ansār situated two farsakhs from
Basrah with a person called Muhammad ibn Malik al-Ansārī. He brought a copy of
the Qur’ān to us and said that this is the mushaf of Ubayy which has been
narrated by our generations from our forefathers…
Isnād according to al-Itqān
قال
ابن أشتة في كتاب المصاحف أنبأنا محمد بن يعقوب حدثنا أبو داود حدثنا أبو جعفر
الكوفي قال هذا تأليف مصحف أبي
Ibn Ashtah has said in Kitāb al-masāhif: “We were informed by
Muhammad ibn Ya‘qūb that Abū Dā’ūd narrated to us that Abū Ja‘far al-Kūfī said:
‘Following is the arrangement of Ubayy’s mushaf...’”
In al-Fihrist, al-Fadl ibn Shādhān who
died in 260 AH
reports seeing a mushaf belonging to Ubayy (rta). We do not find the name of the
person from whom al-Fadl reports. Similarly, Ibn Nadīm (d. 385 AH) has not
disclosed his source from whom he acquired these words of al-Fadl ibn Shādhān.
In al-Itqān, Ubayy’s sūrah arrangement is
attributed to ibn Ashtah’s Kitāb al-masāhif. In the Kitāb al-masāhif itself a
chain of narration is given for this arrangement. This chain obviously is broken
because it begins with someone (see below) who is the informant of Abū Dā’ūd
Sulaymān ibn al-Ash‘ath who died in 257 AH.
The informant of Abū Dā’ūd Sulaymān ibn
al-Ash‘ath is Abū Ja‘far al-Kūfī. I will now attempt to identify him. Research
shows that following are the Abū Ja‘far al-Kūfīs which are his informants.
i. Ahmad ibn ‘Umar ibn Hafs ibn Jahm ibn Wāqid ibn ‘Abdullāh al-Kindī
(d. 235 AH)
ii. Muhammad ibn Tarīf ibn Khalīfah al-Bajlī (d.
242 AH)
iii. Muhammad ibn ‘Ubayd al-Muhārabī (d. 245 AH)
iv. Muhammad ibn Sawwār ibn Rāshid al-Azdī (d. 248
AH)
v. Muhammad ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Sulaymān al-Kindī
al-Bazzāz al-Darīr (d. 248 AH)
vi. Muhammad ibn ‘Uthmān ibn Karāmah al-‘Ijli
al-Warrāq (d. 256 AH)
Needless to re-iterate that in all of the above six possibilities,
the narrative is broken and almost two centuries separate each of the six and
Ubayy (rta).
IV. Analysis of ‘Abdullāh ibn Mas‘ūd’s Mushaf
Before I analyze the text and content of the narratives, here is
some more information about the codex of ‘Abdullāh ibn Mas‘ūd (rta) as recorded
in the various sources indicated:
Al-Fihrist
Ibn Nadīm
has recorded the following further information about Ibn Mas‘ūd’s codex:
i. There were a total of 110 sūrahs in the mushaf.
ii. According to another report, Sūrah Tūr preceded Sūrah Dhāriyāt.
iii. Abū Shādhān reports from Ibn Sīrīn that Ibn Mas‘ūd would
neither write the mu‘awwidhatayn nor Sūrah Fātihah in his mushaf.
iv. Al-Fadl has reported from his chain from A‘mash that in the
reading of ‘Abdullāh it was حم سق.
v. Muhammad ibn Ishāq [Ibn Nadīm] said: “I have seen many masāhif
which their scribes attribute to Ibn Mas‘ūd but no two masāhif agree with one
another … I have seen a mushaf which was written about 200 years earlier in
which Sūrah Fātihah was written.”
vi. The following sūrahs are recorded with variations from the
standard ones respectively. The variations are different in different published
versions:
Sūrah ‘Asr
Standard Version / Dār al-Ma‘rifah’s Version
وَالْعَصْرِ إِنَّ الْإِنسَانَ لَفِي خُسْرٍ إِلَّا
الَّذِينَ آمَنُوا وَعَمِلُوا الصَّالِحَاتِ وَتَوَاصَوْا بِالْحَقِّ وَتَوَاصَوْا
بِالصَّبْرِ (١٠٣:
١-٣
)
Flugel’s Version
/ Dār al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah’s Version
وَالْعَصْرِ لَقَدْ خَلَقْنَا الْإِنسَانَ لَفِي خُسْرٍ وَ إنَّهُ فِيْهِ إِلَى
آخِرِ الدَّهْرِ إِلَّا الَّذِينَ آمَنُوا وَتَوَاصَوْا بِالتَّقْوَى وَتَوَاصَوْا
بِالصَّبْرِ
Sūrah Kāfirūn
Standard Version / Dār al-Ma‘rifah’s Version
قُلْ
يَاأَيُّهَا الْكَافِرُونَ لَا أَعْبُدُ مَا تَعْبُدُون
وَلَا أَنْتُمْ عَابِدُونَ مَا أَعْبُدُ
وَلَا أَنَا عَابِدٌ مَا عَبَدتُّمْ وَلَا أَنْتُمْ عَابِدُونَ
مَا أَعْبُدُ لَكُمْ دِينُكُمْ وَلِيَ دِينِ (١٠٩:
١-٦)
Flugel’s Version / Dār al-Kutub al- ‘Ilmiyyah’s
Version
قُلْ لِلَّذِيْنَ كَفَرُو لَا أَعْبُدُ مَا تَعْبُدُون
Sūrah Lahab
Standard Version / Dār al-Ma‘rifah’s Version
تَبَّتْ يَدَا أَبِي لَهَبٍ وَتَبَّ مَا أَغْنَى عَنْهُ
مَالُهُ وَمَا كَسَبَ سَيَصْلَى نَارًا ذَاتَ لَهَبٍ
وَامْرَأَتُهُ حَمَّالَةَ الْحَطَبِ فِي جِيدِهَا حَبْلٌ مِنْ
مَسَدٍ (١١١:
١-٥)
Flugel’s Version / Dār al-Kutub al- ‘Ilmiyyah’s
Version
تَبَّتْ يَدَا أَبِي لَهَبٍ وَ قَدْ تَبَّ مَا أَغْنَى عَنْهُ
مَالُهُ وَمَا كَسَبَ وَامْرَأَتُهُ حَمَّالَةَ الْحَطَبِ
Sūrah Ikhlās
Standard Version / Dār al-Ma‘rifah’s Version
قُلْ هُوَ اللَّهُ أَحَدٌ اللَّهُ الصَّمَدُ لَمْ يَلِدْ وَلَمْ يُولَدْ وَلَمْ
يَكُنْ لَهُ كُفُوًا أَحَدٌ (١١٢:
١-٤)
Flugel’s Version / Dār al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah’s
Version
اللَّهُ وَاحِدْ الصَّمَدُ
Absence of Fātihah and the Mu‘awwidhatayn
According to Ibn Sīrīn, Ibn Mas‘ūd would
not write Fātihah and the mu‘awwidhatayn in his mushaf.
The above narrative as recorded by Abū
‘Ubayd is as follows:
حدثنا إسماعيل بن إبراهيم عن أيوب عن ابن سيرين قال: كتب أبي بن
كعب في مصحفه فاتحة الكتاب و المعوذتين و اللهم إنا نستعينك و اللهم إياك نعبد و
تركهن ابن مسعود و كتب عثمان منهن فاتحة الكتاب و المعوذتين
Ibn Sīrīn said: Ubayy wrote in his mushaf
Sūrah Fātihah, the mu‘awwidhatayn and و اللهم إنا نستعينك و
اللهم إياك نعبد and Ibn Mas‘ūd wrote none of them. ‘Uthmān, however,
wrote from these Sūrah Fātihah and the mu‘awwidhatayn.
Schwally
says that al-Itqān
mentions that in the Qur’ān of Ibn Mas‘ūd (rta), there were 112 sūrahs except
the mu‘awwidhatayn. This shows that Sūrah Fātihah was found in his mushaf.
Schwally says that three other narratives quoted by al-Suyūtī also corroborate
this fact.
Existence of basmalah at the beginning of
Barā’a
This is recorded by al-Suyūtī.
He says that the author of al-Iqnā‘ has reported that the basmalah was written
at the beginning of Sūrah Barā’a in the mushaf of Ibn Mas‘ūd and the author then
says that this view should not be considered.
Let us now turn to the analysis of these historical reports.
A. Analysis of the Matn
i. No student of ‘Abdullāh ibn Mas‘ūd (rta) reports this
differently arranged mushaf from him. It is only in the third century that we
find al-Fadl ibn Shādhān (d. 260 AH) and Jarīr ibn ‘Abd al-Hamīd (d. 188 AH)
report this list for the first time.
ii. A simple glance at the lists of al-Itqān and al-Fihrist show
that they do not correspond with one another. After the first eleven entries,
the lists do not tally with one another.
iii. Jeffery has pointed out the defective nature of the list.
Whilst the text of al-Fihrist at the end says that there are 110 sūrahs in all,
there are actually 105 to be found in the list.
iv. Ibn Nadīm himself has commented at the end of the list he has
given that he had seen many masāhif which were attributed to Ibn Mas‘ūd (rta)
but no two agreed.
v. How can one conclude from this list that it was the final one
written by Ibn Mas‘ūd? If at all it has any basis, it could be a list written
before the final presentation (al-ardah al-akhīrah).
B. Analysis of the Isnād
Let us now look at the chains of narration
of the narratives which refer to Ibn Mas‘ūd’s mushaf both from al-Fihrist and
from al-Itqān.
Isnād according to al-Fihrist
قال
الفضل بن شاذان: وجدت في مصحف عبد الله بن مسعود تأليف سور القرآن على هذا الترتيب
…
Al-Fadl ibn Shādhān said: “I found the arrangement of the Qur’ānic
sūrahs in the mushaf of Ubayy to be the following…”
Al-Fadl ibn Shādhān, we know, died in 260 AH.
Moreover, Ibn Nadīm has not quoted his informant from whom he acquired these
words of al-Fadl ibn Shādhān.
Isnād according to al-Itqān
قال ابن أشته أيضا وأخبرنا أبو الحسن بن نافع أن أبا جعفر محمد
بن عمرو بن موسى حدثهم قال حدثنا محمد بن إسماعيل بن سالم حدثنا علي بن مهران
الطائي حدثنا جرير بن عبد الحميد قال تأليف مصحف عبد الله بن مسعود
Jarīr ibn ‘Abd al-Hamīd said: “[This is the] arrangement of the
mushaf of ibn Mas‘ūd …”
Jarīr ibn ‘Abd al-Hamīd died in 188 AH at the age of 71.
This means that it is for the first time in the second century that this
arrangement came to surface.
V. Conclusion
These reports about the alleged masāhif are not strongly grounded.
The text and chain of the narratives have severe flaws in the presence of which
the content they reflect cannot be regarded as reliable.
________________
Abū al-Faraj Muhammad ibn Ishāq ibn Nadīm, Al-Fihrist,2nd ed. (Beirut: Dār al-kutub al-‘ilmiyyah, 2002),
Jalāl al-Dīn ‘Abd al-Rahmān ibn Kamāl al-Dīn Abī
Bakr ibn Muhammad ibn Sābiq al-Dīn al-Suyūtī,
Al-Itqān fī ‘ulūm al-Qur’ān, 1st ed., vol. 1 (Baydār:
Manshūrāt al-radī, 1349 AH.), 222-224.
The text at this place says that from here begin the al-tuwal sūrahs.
The text at this place says that from here begin the al-mi’īn sūrahs.
The words written here are that the author is not exactly sure if it is Sūrah Yūnus which is the tenth sūrah.
The text at this place says that from here begin the al-mathānī sūrahs.
The words mentioned are al-zumar awwaluhā hamīm. It is known that Sūrah
Zumar does not contain the word hamīm. There can be two possibilities:
Either the words awwaluhā hamīm are a scribal error and hence should be
ignored, or they refer to another sūrah. Jeffery has
adopted the first of these possibilities and Schwally the second.
Schwally is of the opinión that these words either refer
to Sūrah Fussilat (41) or to Sūrah al-Zukhruf (43). See: Theodore Noldeke
and Fredrich Schwally, Geschichte des Qorans (Tarīkh al-Qur’ān), trans by
Georges Tamer, 1st ed. (Beirut:
Konrad-Adenauer-Stitfung, 2004), 264; Arthur
Jeffery, Materials for the History of the Text of the Koran, 1st ed.
(Netherlands: 1936), 115.
.
The actual words are hamīm al-tanzīl. In all
probability, this refers to Sūrah Jāthiyah (45) since all other hammīm
sūrahs are already mentioned. Schwally and Jeffery also hold this view. See:
Theodore Noldeke and Fredrich Schwally, Tarīkh al-Qur’ān,
264; Arthur Jeffery, Materials for the History of the Text of the Koran, 115.
. The actual word written is Tāsīn Sulaymān. This refers to Sūrah Naml.
. The actual word written is Dā’ūd. This refers to Sūrah Sabā’.
. The actual words written are al-hāwāmīm al-musabbihāt which as observed by Jeffery is “an introductory title to the group of six
succeeding sūrahs.” See:
Arthur Jeffery, Materials for the History of the Text of the Koran, 22.
. The text at this place says that from here begin the hawāmīm.
. The actual word written is al-Malā’ikah. This refers to Sūrah Fātir.
. The actual words written are sabbaha hashr which as observed by Jeffery are “part of the title of the sūrah” and have bothered both Schwally and Flugel. See:
Arthur Jeffery, Materials for the History of the Text of the Koran, 22.
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